Saturday, February 21, 1998

South Korea's new president has survived
two attempted assassinations, a court imposed
death penalty and years of prison or house arrest.
But now he faces his most formidable task—
righting his country's economy and quelling old
and new hatreds of Asian neighbors
and American friends.

By Richard Halloran
Special to the Star-Bulletin

When the new president of South Korea, Kim Dae- jung, is sworn in on Wednesday, he will be confronted with seven daunting challenges that comprise the most formidable trial for his nation since its liberation from Japan in 1945.

This will be no ordinary change of government. President Kim's success or failure will determine not only the immediate future of Korea but the security posture of the United States in Northeast Asia, where 80,000 American troops are stationed in Korea and Japan in a single area of military operations.

In addition, the fate of the new government will affect other Asian nations struggling to right their capsized economies, to sort out issues of governance, and to find safety in a volatile region. Until now, South Korea had been among the leaders of the "Tigers of Asia," the fastest developing nations in an increasingly interlocked region.

Despite the tasks before him, Kim is given an even chance for success by many Koreans, even those who did not vote for him, and by some foreign observers, including this correspondent who has known him for more than a quarter century. President Kim's challenges will include:

Leading Korea out of an economic valley of tears into which, like several other Asian nations, it has plunged with a falling stock market, declining value of currency, and a stringent recovery regimen imposed by the International Monetary Fund.

Coping with a hostile North Korea whose belligerent negotiating style holds little promise of progress in four-party talks scheduled to resume in Geneva in March; The U.S., China and the two Koreas are supposedly seeking ways to reduce tension on the Korean peninsula.

Consolidating his political position after having garnered only 40 percent of the Dec. 18 vote in a three-way race, having a minority in the National Assembly, and having promised to install a parliamentary system in which he would become a largely figurehead president in two years.

Reducing the corruption that permeates not only the political and business worlds but many aspects of Korean daily life. Koreans say there has been less corruption in recent years but acknowledge that it is still pervasive.

Responding to rising anti-Americanism that has spread from left-wing students to mid-levels of politics, government bureaucracy and the armed forces. Many Koreans want American forces to leave Korea even as they wish to retain Korea's alliance with the United States.

Purging residual anti-Japanese emotions that hinder Seoul's ability to recover economically and to play a constructive role in Asia's international relations. Korea's rulers have nurtured bitter feelings toward Japan ever since 40 years of harsh Japanese rule ended 53 years ago.

Dissuading Koreans from blaming someone else for everything that goes wrong and, instead, encouraging them to accept responsibility. The initial reaction to the current economic crisis, for instance, was to blame the United States, Japan and the IMF.

To meet these challenges, President Kim will bring undisputed courage, a thirst for information that is the source of political power, a shrewd analytical ability to set his own politics aside when calculating events, and a lifetime of ambition, having first sought the presidency in 1971. On the other hand, he is 72 years old and has not enjoyed good health at times.

Kim's courage has been tested in two attempted assassinations, a court-imposed death penalty, and years of prison or house arrest. In one instance, he was kidnapped from a hotel in Tokyo by South Korean government agents in August, 1973, and taken out to sea, where his legs and arms were bound with chains and weights. He heard crewmen talking about how to make sure his body disappeared beneath the waves.

Strong protests from the Japanese and American governments saved his life and he was returned to Seoul after five days in captivity. In a long interview the next night, he gave a detailed account of his ordeal in a calm, almost detached manner: "They had done a beautiful job of kidnapping me and getting me out of Japan, but they made one miscalculation. They had not expected the Japanese to be in such an uproar over the infringement of their sovereignty."

After three months of diplomatic maneuvering, President Park Chung-hee sent Prime Minister Kim Jong-pil to Tokyo to apologize for the kidnapping.

In a supreme irony, the two Kims, who are not related, made an election campaign deal last year under which Kim Jong-pil will become prime minister under President Kim Dae-jung and later will head a parliamentary regime.

For many months after that abduction, Kim Dae- jung was under house arrest but was permitted visitors, newspapers and magazines and a telephone. He soaked up political intelligence, which he shared with minimum of spin.

This correspondent once teased him, "You are my best source in Seoul because I always know where to find you." Kim chuckled.

In public statements since his election, Kim has indicated he is aware of most of the tasks before him. He has vowed that Korea, which may have the best chance among the wounded Asian Tigers for an early recovery, will tighten its economic belt, saying, "Reform without pain is not possible." He has outlined a plan for reconciliation with North Korea, including a possible summit meeting with Pyongyang's leader, Kim Jong-il.

The incoming president has acknowledged the narrow margin of his election that was based heavily on votes in his home province and pledged to "end the era of regional conflict." He has promised, "I shall sweep away corruption." He has noted that the alliance with the United States is "the central factor of our security."

Summing up, President Kim has urged his compatriots to "stand proud and tall." Referring to the river that runs through Seoul, he has said, "We will show the world that the 'Miracle on the Han' is not finished at all." Brave words for a large order but he may just pull it off.

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Richard Halloran,a former New York Times correspondent
covering Asia, is a freelance writer living in Honolulu.