Netanyahu was elected last year as a defender of Jewish security against Arab terrorism. But his decisions to relinquish Hebron to Palestinian control and withdraw Israeli forces from rural areas of the West Bank, fulfilling pledges by the previous Labor government, have led much of his Likud party and other nationalists in the ruling coalition to denounce him as a traitor. Netanyahu's center-right coalition appears to be in no immediate danger of collapse, but that could change quickly. And the ideological rift and personal enmities in his cabinet make it unlikely that progress can be made toward peace.
On the other end of the spectrum, Netanyahu's decision to build homes for Israelis between Arab East Jerusalem and Bethlehem, followed by the announcement of a smaller-than-expected withdrawal from West Bank lands, have inspired threats of renewed Palestinian violence and a boycott by Yasser Arafat of the peace talks. The Palestinians have appealed to President Clinton to twist Netanyahu's arm to rescind these decisions.
Netanyahu's balancing act has become more precarious. If he succumbs to U.S. pressure, he may lose what remains of his support on the right, which was the key to his election.
Although widely criticized abroad, the Jerusalem housing decision is openly opposed only by the far left of Israeli opinion. Most Israelis reject the Palestinian proposal to make Jerusalem their capital, remembering the desecration of Jewish cemeteries and other abuses that occurred when East Jerusalem was under Arab control. And many are nervous about relinquishing more territory in the West Bank.
But Netanyahu has acted in a way that makes him seem contemptuous of Palestinian interests, which has left him vulnerable to charges that he is sabotaging the peace process. Now he has to find a way to muffle the criticism, perhaps by offeringconcessions to the Palestinians without directly retracting his decisions.
Despite their concerns about security, most Israelis favor continuing the peace process. Netanyahu cannot afford to let it collapse if he hopes to win re-election. Neither, however, can Arafat.
Rupert E. Phillips, CEO
John M. Flanagan, Editor & Publisher
David Shapiro, Managing Editor
Diane Yukihiro Chang, Senior Editor & Editorial Page Editor
Frank Bridgewater & Michael Rovner, Assistant Managing Editors
A.A. Smyser, Contributing Editor