Editorials

Friday, May 10, 1996


Election leaves
India's prospects confused

THE world's largest democracy could be heading into a period of weak government and instability following the devastating defeat of the scandal-ridden Congress Party in India's parliamentary elections. With no party expected to win a majority, a coalition government is the probable result. Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao's resignation leaves President Shankal Dayal Sharma free to decide which leader should try to form a new government.

The Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party appeared to be the big winner of the elections, emerging as the largest party in the 545-seat parliament with 175 to 185 seats. Bharatiya Janata was expected to demand the right to attempt to form a government. But most of the other parties might refuse to join it in a governing coalition because of the Hindu party's controversial positions on nuclear weapons and relations with India's Muslim minority. A government led by Bharatiya Janata could destabilize South Asia by wrecking India's fragile relations with Pakistan.

Meanwhile the Congress Party seemed to be headed for third place with 130 to 140 seats, its worst showing in history. In between was an alliance of center-left and radical parties, with an estimated 140 to 150 seats. The other seats would go to dozens of independents and minor regional parties who could hold the balance of power.

What will emerge from the confusion can't be easily predicted. Certainly there is no clear successor to the Congress Party, which has ruled India for most of its history since gaining independence. A change in the government is probably healthy in view of the Congress Party's overlong rule. But it would be unfortunate if Rao's efforts to deregulate and liberalize the Indian economy were reversed by the new government.



Other editorials in brief:

Judicial selection

GOVERNOR Cayetano would like the same system for appointing state judges as the president has for naming federal jurists, which is understandable. At the federal level, the president is fully in control of the nomination, and the Senate confirms. The governor must choose among six names presented to him by the state Judicial Selection Commission, and that is not likely to change.

The process could be improved by giving the governor the authority to appoint five, not three, commission members, and removing legislative leaders from those selecting the people engaged in the initial process of reviewing applicants. But that would require legislators to give up power they now have, and that is not likely to happen soon.



School board abuses

ONE of the key recommendations in the 1988 Berman report on improving public education in Hawaii was to give individual schools more autonomy. It's called school/community-based management (SCBM) and it has made slow progress since its adoption as official policy.

The local autonomy concept is not without its pitfalls. New York City's system of 32 elected community school boards has never worked satisfactorily. Voter turnouts for the elections is abysmal, incumbents with long records of academic or administrative failure are re-elected, and parents of public school students "wind up with less representation than local politicians with an eye for patronage."

The SCBM program in Hawaii bears no resemblance to the New York situation. But New York's problems could resurface in Hawaii if SCBM moved in the wrong direction, and discredit the program. Care must be taken to ensure that it doesn't happen.




Published by Liberty Newspapers Limited Partnership

Rupert E. Phillips, CEO

John M. Flanagan, Editor & Publisher

David Shapiro, Managing Editor

Diane Yukihiro Chang, Senior Editor & Editorial Page Editor

Frank Bridgewater & Michael Rovner, Assistant Managing Editors

A.A. Smyser, Contributing Editor




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